Την καταστροφή της ψευτοΜακεδονίας προβλέπουν τα ρωσικά think tanks: In Macedonia Albanians have the following cheme: “reconnaissance patrol”- “consolidating ground” and then- open war “for independence”. They receive active support from the “creators of new world order” and Albanian factions in bordering countries.
In 2001 a series of terror attacks were carried out by the National Liberation Army (NLA). The attacks lead to a large-scale military campaign. Then, in August of 2001, there was signed the U.S-imposed Treaty of Ohrid, in which the Albanians were granted special privileges and a parallel society at the government’s expense. From 2001 to 2008 had been using the Treaty of Ohrid to legalize their attacks on the local communities aimed at ousting all non-Albanians.
After the proclamation of Kosovo`s “independence”, Macedonian members of Albanian separatist groups launched active campaign in the Balkans. In April 2008 the Albanian opposition in Macedonia began an open public and political struggle. Its strategic aims were to cause a crisis of power, to hold new elections, to have the parliament under control and, finally, to divide the country. The tactics was to set forth unachievable conditions in......a form of an ultimatum and deliberately escalate tensions in the region.
While Macedonian leaders were occupied in debates with Greece on the country`s name, in March of 2008 Menduh Taci, leader of the Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA) demanded that premier Gruyevsky provided social support to members of the NLA and closed the “Hague cases”. In 2005 the Hague Tribunal charged Macedonian nationals, former police minister Ljube Boskovski and his deputy Johan Tarculovski, with three counts of violations of laws and customs of war, cruel treatment and destruction of settlement during an attack by the Macedonian police and army on Ljuboten village near Skopje. If Boskovski and Tarculovski are on trial in Hague, the other four cases are under the Macedonian jurisdiction. The Tribunal explained this by saying that “the jury system in Macedonia was strong enough to deal with Hague cases”. Recently, the Hague Tribunal has been excluding almost all Albanian cases- what a strange way to work, isn`t it?
It is remarkable how Albanians depend on overseas policy. Menduh Taci`s demands were inspired from within. The next day after Kosovo proclaimed independence, Jelena Milovanovic, met premier Gruevski and recommended that he legalized the use of Albanian language in Macedonia as early as possible and provided social support to the 'veterans' of the NLA. And Albanian politicians had nothing to do but present U.S. demands as theirs.
Traditionally, Albanian leaders see no reason in negotiations and compromise. They think only about their own needs. They even paid no attention to the fact that Macedonian authorities made some concessions that undermined the statehood. In March Gruevski promised to adopt a bill on the use of Albanian language in Macedonia and on social benefits to members of the NLA. Under the decree, NLA rebels were no longer persecuted by the Hague Tribunal and Albanians were granted more seats in state institutions. However, in early April the leader of the Democratic Union for Integration party (DUI), Ali Ahmeti, demanded that Gruevski dissolved the parliament. Ahmeti`s aide, Rafiz Aliti, had more than once told in interviews that “the current cabinet could not adequately react to modern challenges and guarantee European future to Macedonia”. Taking into consideration the experience of Serbia, the terms “European way” and “European future of the Balkan peoples” in Albania take on an ominous meaning.
The leader of the New Initiative Party, Gjorgji Orovcanec, used to say that “to accept the DUI initiative means to destroy Macedonia”. The Chairman of the New Social-Democratic Party, Vele Mitanovski, is talking about a massacre Albanians planned against Macedonians. He also accused some deputies of the Macedonian parliament of participating in “an orchestrated split aimed at the destruction of the country”. Mitanovski said it was necessary not to let Albanians evoke chaos in Macedonian political circles and join efforts with Greece to destroy the Macedonian national identity.
In the meanwhile, Menduh Taci can celebrate triumph: he managed to gain support of the Albanian majority in June elections, neutralize his political rival Ahmeti and receive concessions from Gruevski.
Macedonia has been practically trapped, its political life was restricted by Albanian demands. It was only once in history when Albanians and Macedonians were shoulder to shoulder with each other- during the Ilinden uprising of 1903, when the insurgents proclaimed the so-called Krushevo Republic. The Manifesto of the Republic called on Macedonians,Albanians and Vlachs to jointly fight against Ottoman Turks. In all other crucial periods of history- the WW I, WW II, uprisings in 1971, 1981 and 2001, Albanians were against Macedonians. Albanian boycotted a referendum on Macedonia`s independence, the adoption of a new Constitution and census. Despite all this, none of the state laws in Macedonia can be adopted without approval of the Albanian deputies. Under the Macedonian Constitution, all members of the national minorities (their number exceeds 22%) have special privileges (in terms of the language and seats in state institutions). But there are no such minorities in Macedonia except Albanians. As a result, there are 30 purely Albanian communities, in 16 of them power totally belongs to Albanians. These communities are located in western regions of Macedonia, so the central authorities can have very little influence there.
There are two Albanian universities in Macedonia. The Second state TV channel is also under Albanian control. They have their national mass media, theaters and printing houses. In past 10 years Macedonian Albanians have founded several political parties. According to 2004 census results, 2,022 547 Albanians make up 25,2% of Macedonia’s population. And these are official statistics, while Albanians say the figures should have been twice as big.
Those who are threatening Macedonia’s territorial integrity and stability came from Kosovo: Arben Jaferi (who has been the leader of the Balkan Albanians for the past 15 years, former leader of the Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA), also known as a “quiet man from Tetovo”; Fadil Sulejmani, Professor at the University of Pristina, who in 1994 was one of the founders of an Albanian University in Tetovo. The aim was to make Albanian people “politically educated”.
The coalition “For A Better Macedonia”, comprising Gruevski`s Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) and the Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (DPMNU) won the elections in Macedonia on June 1, 2008, having received more than 50% of votes and the right to form the Cabinet. The opposition “Sun-Coalition for Europe”, which includes the minor parliamentary party New Social Democratic Party, won 231,978 votes. The Albanian parties- DUI and DPA won 109,940 and 101, 123 votes respectively. Since fraud and other violations had been reported during the elections, the results were not recognized.
When the two leading political parties of Macedonia- IMRO-DPMNU and the Social-Democratic Union- fail to achieve the slightest compromise, the DPA becomes a permanent coalition partner of IMRO-DPMNU, while another Albanian party, DUI, supports social democrats. And while Macedonian politicians have problems in relations, Albanians in DPA and DUI develop a strategy to divide Macedonia and gain more influence in public and political institutions.
The police arrested a few people who participated in clashes after the elections- they were activists of Albanian parties, their cars filled with weapons. An extremist Agim Krasnici was among the detainees. Krasnici was a field commander, who took part in the Albanian uprising in Macedonia in 2001 and faced terror charges but was not tried due to obvious reasons. Violence was also reported in the Albanian-inhabited regions of Macedonia. It is remarkable that the EU Commissioner for Enlargements, Olly Rehn, demanded that Macedonia punished all the guilty but at the same time turned down Gruevski`s proposal to hold new election in the regions where violations had been reported. U.S. Secretary of State also reminded Macedonians of democracy. NATO Chief Jaap de Hoop Scheffer emphasized that “the countries seeking NATO membership should implement their policies in the line with democratic standards”. (If we remember “NATO democratic standards” and 78 days of Yugoslavia bombing in 1999, we can say that Macedonia is in the very beginning of the way).
The Deputy Chairman of the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo, ethnic Albanian politician, Bairam Kosumi, insists that “Macedonia has serious problems with democracy”. You should know that the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo was established by Ramush Haradinai, one of the founders of the Kosovo Liberation Army, who was discharged by the Hague Tribunal and triumphantly came back home to continue his “work”.
The situation in Macedonia is getting especially menacing after on June 14 the parliament of Kosovo adopted a special law so that the self-proclaimed republic could have its own 2,500 security forces contingent. After a group of “euro democrats”, headed by the incumbent president Boris Tadic, made every effort to destroy the Serbian army, the process aimed at establishing a brand new-Albanian- army, has begun. And NATO has the whole situation under control.
NATO expansion into the Balkans has become more aggressive. This is Washington’s scenario of “region’s stabilization after the proclamation of Kosovo’s independence”. Macedonia, inspired from the West, is heading towards NATO and EU. But it runs a risk of loosing its national identity and territory. Macedonia is only a piece in the U.S. Balkan “puzzle”. Washington, having developed during the crisis in Yugoslavia special ways to handle national and religious conflicts (especially their escalation), has been masterly forming special Albanian groups to undermine security in the Balkans.
…But look at the Kosovo flag today: there are still 6 white stars on it: Albania, Kosovo, Preshevo (southern Serbia), a part of Macedonia, a part of Montenegro and a part of Greece...
Pan-Balkanian Fire Will Break Out in Macedonia
The illegal acknowledgement by the West of independence of Serbia’s province of Kosovo has set off the mechanism of disintegration of the entire Balkans region. With the advent of June 1 elections in Macedonia the scenario that Pristina’s Albanian leaders. With things going their way, the country may find itself devoid of both the internationally acknowledged name (as Greece continues to stand against the term “Republic of Macedonia”) and a sizeable part of its territory.
The political spectacle that would cover up the dismembering of Macedonia is performed by two leading parties of Macedonian Albanians: the Democratic Party of Albania (DPA), one of the forces of the ruling coalition, and the opposition Democratic Union for Integration (DUI) that is striving to get the power. As for the military support of Albanian separatist, there are the authorities of the neighbouring province of Kosovo, the way they acted in 2000-2001, when Macedonia’s parts with the preponderant Albanian population of northern and western parts of Macedonia became the site of anti-government riots orchestrated by someone in Kosovo.
At the time DPA’s Menduh Ali and DSI’s Ali Ahmeti were members of the military and political leadership of what was known as The National Liberation Army (NLA).It waged its fight under sincere Great Albanian slogans. According to Macedonia’special service the crux of that association was formed by the KLA militants, whose operations were planned in Pristina. The chieftains of KLA never declined they were in connection with Kosovo, saying that the part of the Serbian province that at the time was already controlled by the UN and NATO was their paradise on earth. This way the KLA fully thanked its junior Macedonian partners. In 1998-1999 there were the supply bases and centres of Kosovo militants.
At present Menduh Taci and Ali Ahmeti are hurriedly sharing the money al the Albanian drug mafia, trying at the same time to resolve the problem of the uninhibited control of the movement for the detachment from Macedonia of about one-third of its territory. First shots have already been shot. At night on May 12 in Tetovo predominantly populated by Albanians (the centre of the Albanian riot of 7 years ago) the car of the DSI leader Ali Ahmeti was shot at. The leader of the DSI’s election campaign Izet Mezhiti immediately accused Menduh Taci and Macedonian special services, allegedly in conspiracy and of an attempt in order “to terrify the electorate to prevent them from voting.” The DSI leaders called for Macedonian Albanians to begin staging mass manifestations and other protest actions. In turn, Ferzhi Seliami, a representative of the DAP assessed such action as a call to Albanians to begin murdering one another, threatening with counter action.
Ali Ahmeti is a figure that is worth focusing on. His “battle tracks “ resemble biographies of the current Albanian leaders in Kosovo. Born in 1959 in Zaias, a small Macedonian village, as a student in Pristina in 1981-1983 he was an activist of extremist outbreaks of youth there, later becoming one of the leaders of the underground Albanian “people’s movement Kosovo. In 1986 Ahmeti was given the status of a political refugee in Switzerland, from where he controlled activities of different underground Albanian groups, at first in the united SFRYu, and then - of Serbia and Macedonia. In 1988 he became one of the members of the leadership of Kosovo’s Nationalist movement, and five years later he was re-elected for the post and was given control of the military sector of the movement.
In 1996 Ahmeti became one of the founders of the ALA, and in 1988, when Albanian extremists launched their terrorist activities in Kosovo, was elected a member of the ALA General Headquarters.
When his colleagues in the Kosovo leadership came to power, Ahmeti returned from Switzerland to Macedonia, becoming Commander-in-Chief of the NLA. That same year Washington declared the NLA a terrorist organisation and Ali Ahmeti was blacklisted to deny him an entry into the United States on grounds of their terrorist activities. He was also declared a non grata person in Switzerland and a number of other European countries. Nevertheless that did not prevent him from becoming one of the most active participants of the settlement of the Macedonian conflict with the support of the U.S. and EU.
In August of 2001 it was exactly him who signed the Ohrid peace agreement with Macedonian authorities, according to which the local Albanians were given significant privileges in the localities they lived, including the right of setting up their own police bodies and judicial system.
After that he became the leader of the All-Albanian Coordination Council that aimed to unite all Macedonia’s Albanian political parties under the wings of the NLA structures. The latter was formally disbanded under the pressure from the EU, however, it retained its organisation and even arms arsenals.
Menduh Taci who was born in Tetovo in 1965, and who also studied in Pristina does not feature as rich a political biography. However, the only fact that he is a cousin of Hasim Taci, the KLA ex-chieftain who is currently Kosovo’s prime-minister, himself the owner of extensive real estate in Pristina and a major financier of his party is enough to think his chances to lead Macedonia’s Albanian separatists no weaker than Ali Ahmeti’s. At the same time no other than the DPA earlier this year initiated a government’s crisis, temporarily withdrawing from the ruling coalition as a sign of protest against the refusal of authorities to acknowledge Kosovo’s independence, granting government’s preferences to the participants in the 2000-2001 anti-government mutiny. Macedonia noted that shortly before his demarche he had visited the US Ambassador in Skopje.
And we are now approaching the biggest event that spells a soon-to-be formation in Kosovo and Macedonia of a single Great Albanian front. On May 17 in Pristina, the movement named “Unification Movement” was formed at the hall of a local movie theatre that sets the goal of “unification of Albanian territories.” No other than the notorious Avni Klinaku headed the organisation that is to become pivotal in the fight for the creation in the Balkans of “Great Albania”. No other than him created “National Kosovo Liberation Movement” about two decades ago, that later turned into the terrorist “Kosovo Liberation Army.” And in 1986 no other than Ali Ahmeti was elected a member of the General Council of this movement, whose special assignment was to ensure international political, financial and military support of Albanian separatists.
Currently Avni Klinaku, Ali Ahmeti, Menduh Taci and their long-years Albanian cronies decided that the favourable moment for a reprise of the Kosovo scenario at the pan-Balkanian level is close at hand. Given the official number of Albanians residents amounting to one-fourth to a half of Macedonia’s two million residents (according to assessments of Albanians themselves as well as a number of international organisations), a new conflict could flood both this former Yugoslav republic and all of the Balkans in blood. Are the United States, NATO and EU, granting Kosovo independence so happily, deciding that they succeeded in turning over a new leaf in the Balkan drama, prepared for this?
In 2001 a series of terror attacks were carried out by the National Liberation Army (NLA). The attacks lead to a large-scale military campaign. Then, in August of 2001, there was signed the U.S-imposed Treaty of Ohrid, in which the Albanians were granted special privileges and a parallel society at the government’s expense. From 2001 to 2008 had been using the Treaty of Ohrid to legalize their attacks on the local communities aimed at ousting all non-Albanians.
After the proclamation of Kosovo`s “independence”, Macedonian members of Albanian separatist groups launched active campaign in the Balkans. In April 2008 the Albanian opposition in Macedonia began an open public and political struggle. Its strategic aims were to cause a crisis of power, to hold new elections, to have the parliament under control and, finally, to divide the country. The tactics was to set forth unachievable conditions in......a form of an ultimatum and deliberately escalate tensions in the region.
While Macedonian leaders were occupied in debates with Greece on the country`s name, in March of 2008 Menduh Taci, leader of the Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA) demanded that premier Gruyevsky provided social support to members of the NLA and closed the “Hague cases”. In 2005 the Hague Tribunal charged Macedonian nationals, former police minister Ljube Boskovski and his deputy Johan Tarculovski, with three counts of violations of laws and customs of war, cruel treatment and destruction of settlement during an attack by the Macedonian police and army on Ljuboten village near Skopje. If Boskovski and Tarculovski are on trial in Hague, the other four cases are under the Macedonian jurisdiction. The Tribunal explained this by saying that “the jury system in Macedonia was strong enough to deal with Hague cases”. Recently, the Hague Tribunal has been excluding almost all Albanian cases- what a strange way to work, isn`t it?
It is remarkable how Albanians depend on overseas policy. Menduh Taci`s demands were inspired from within. The next day after Kosovo proclaimed independence, Jelena Milovanovic, met premier Gruevski and recommended that he legalized the use of Albanian language in Macedonia as early as possible and provided social support to the 'veterans' of the NLA. And Albanian politicians had nothing to do but present U.S. demands as theirs.
Traditionally, Albanian leaders see no reason in negotiations and compromise. They think only about their own needs. They even paid no attention to the fact that Macedonian authorities made some concessions that undermined the statehood. In March Gruevski promised to adopt a bill on the use of Albanian language in Macedonia and on social benefits to members of the NLA. Under the decree, NLA rebels were no longer persecuted by the Hague Tribunal and Albanians were granted more seats in state institutions. However, in early April the leader of the Democratic Union for Integration party (DUI), Ali Ahmeti, demanded that Gruevski dissolved the parliament. Ahmeti`s aide, Rafiz Aliti, had more than once told in interviews that “the current cabinet could not adequately react to modern challenges and guarantee European future to Macedonia”. Taking into consideration the experience of Serbia, the terms “European way” and “European future of the Balkan peoples” in Albania take on an ominous meaning.
The leader of the New Initiative Party, Gjorgji Orovcanec, used to say that “to accept the DUI initiative means to destroy Macedonia”. The Chairman of the New Social-Democratic Party, Vele Mitanovski, is talking about a massacre Albanians planned against Macedonians. He also accused some deputies of the Macedonian parliament of participating in “an orchestrated split aimed at the destruction of the country”. Mitanovski said it was necessary not to let Albanians evoke chaos in Macedonian political circles and join efforts with Greece to destroy the Macedonian national identity.
In the meanwhile, Menduh Taci can celebrate triumph: he managed to gain support of the Albanian majority in June elections, neutralize his political rival Ahmeti and receive concessions from Gruevski.
Macedonia has been practically trapped, its political life was restricted by Albanian demands. It was only once in history when Albanians and Macedonians were shoulder to shoulder with each other- during the Ilinden uprising of 1903, when the insurgents proclaimed the so-called Krushevo Republic. The Manifesto of the Republic called on Macedonians,Albanians and Vlachs to jointly fight against Ottoman Turks. In all other crucial periods of history- the WW I, WW II, uprisings in 1971, 1981 and 2001, Albanians were against Macedonians. Albanian boycotted a referendum on Macedonia`s independence, the adoption of a new Constitution and census. Despite all this, none of the state laws in Macedonia can be adopted without approval of the Albanian deputies. Under the Macedonian Constitution, all members of the national minorities (their number exceeds 22%) have special privileges (in terms of the language and seats in state institutions). But there are no such minorities in Macedonia except Albanians. As a result, there are 30 purely Albanian communities, in 16 of them power totally belongs to Albanians. These communities are located in western regions of Macedonia, so the central authorities can have very little influence there.
There are two Albanian universities in Macedonia. The Second state TV channel is also under Albanian control. They have their national mass media, theaters and printing houses. In past 10 years Macedonian Albanians have founded several political parties. According to 2004 census results, 2,022 547 Albanians make up 25,2% of Macedonia’s population. And these are official statistics, while Albanians say the figures should have been twice as big.
Those who are threatening Macedonia’s territorial integrity and stability came from Kosovo: Arben Jaferi (who has been the leader of the Balkan Albanians for the past 15 years, former leader of the Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA), also known as a “quiet man from Tetovo”; Fadil Sulejmani, Professor at the University of Pristina, who in 1994 was one of the founders of an Albanian University in Tetovo. The aim was to make Albanian people “politically educated”.
The coalition “For A Better Macedonia”, comprising Gruevski`s Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) and the Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (DPMNU) won the elections in Macedonia on June 1, 2008, having received more than 50% of votes and the right to form the Cabinet. The opposition “Sun-Coalition for Europe”, which includes the minor parliamentary party New Social Democratic Party, won 231,978 votes. The Albanian parties- DUI and DPA won 109,940 and 101, 123 votes respectively. Since fraud and other violations had been reported during the elections, the results were not recognized.
When the two leading political parties of Macedonia- IMRO-DPMNU and the Social-Democratic Union- fail to achieve the slightest compromise, the DPA becomes a permanent coalition partner of IMRO-DPMNU, while another Albanian party, DUI, supports social democrats. And while Macedonian politicians have problems in relations, Albanians in DPA and DUI develop a strategy to divide Macedonia and gain more influence in public and political institutions.
The police arrested a few people who participated in clashes after the elections- they were activists of Albanian parties, their cars filled with weapons. An extremist Agim Krasnici was among the detainees. Krasnici was a field commander, who took part in the Albanian uprising in Macedonia in 2001 and faced terror charges but was not tried due to obvious reasons. Violence was also reported in the Albanian-inhabited regions of Macedonia. It is remarkable that the EU Commissioner for Enlargements, Olly Rehn, demanded that Macedonia punished all the guilty but at the same time turned down Gruevski`s proposal to hold new election in the regions where violations had been reported. U.S. Secretary of State also reminded Macedonians of democracy. NATO Chief Jaap de Hoop Scheffer emphasized that “the countries seeking NATO membership should implement their policies in the line with democratic standards”. (If we remember “NATO democratic standards” and 78 days of Yugoslavia bombing in 1999, we can say that Macedonia is in the very beginning of the way).
The Deputy Chairman of the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo, ethnic Albanian politician, Bairam Kosumi, insists that “Macedonia has serious problems with democracy”. You should know that the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo was established by Ramush Haradinai, one of the founders of the Kosovo Liberation Army, who was discharged by the Hague Tribunal and triumphantly came back home to continue his “work”.
The situation in Macedonia is getting especially menacing after on June 14 the parliament of Kosovo adopted a special law so that the self-proclaimed republic could have its own 2,500 security forces contingent. After a group of “euro democrats”, headed by the incumbent president Boris Tadic, made every effort to destroy the Serbian army, the process aimed at establishing a brand new-Albanian- army, has begun. And NATO has the whole situation under control.
NATO expansion into the Balkans has become more aggressive. This is Washington’s scenario of “region’s stabilization after the proclamation of Kosovo’s independence”. Macedonia, inspired from the West, is heading towards NATO and EU. But it runs a risk of loosing its national identity and territory. Macedonia is only a piece in the U.S. Balkan “puzzle”. Washington, having developed during the crisis in Yugoslavia special ways to handle national and religious conflicts (especially their escalation), has been masterly forming special Albanian groups to undermine security in the Balkans.
…But look at the Kosovo flag today: there are still 6 white stars on it: Albania, Kosovo, Preshevo (southern Serbia), a part of Macedonia, a part of Montenegro and a part of Greece...
Pan-Balkanian Fire Will Break Out in Macedonia
The illegal acknowledgement by the West of independence of Serbia’s province of Kosovo has set off the mechanism of disintegration of the entire Balkans region. With the advent of June 1 elections in Macedonia the scenario that Pristina’s Albanian leaders. With things going their way, the country may find itself devoid of both the internationally acknowledged name (as Greece continues to stand against the term “Republic of Macedonia”) and a sizeable part of its territory.
The political spectacle that would cover up the dismembering of Macedonia is performed by two leading parties of Macedonian Albanians: the Democratic Party of Albania (DPA), one of the forces of the ruling coalition, and the opposition Democratic Union for Integration (DUI) that is striving to get the power. As for the military support of Albanian separatist, there are the authorities of the neighbouring province of Kosovo, the way they acted in 2000-2001, when Macedonia’s parts with the preponderant Albanian population of northern and western parts of Macedonia became the site of anti-government riots orchestrated by someone in Kosovo.
At the time DPA’s Menduh Ali and DSI’s Ali Ahmeti were members of the military and political leadership of what was known as The National Liberation Army (NLA).It waged its fight under sincere Great Albanian slogans. According to Macedonia’special service the crux of that association was formed by the KLA militants, whose operations were planned in Pristina. The chieftains of KLA never declined they were in connection with Kosovo, saying that the part of the Serbian province that at the time was already controlled by the UN and NATO was their paradise on earth. This way the KLA fully thanked its junior Macedonian partners. In 1998-1999 there were the supply bases and centres of Kosovo militants.
At present Menduh Taci and Ali Ahmeti are hurriedly sharing the money al the Albanian drug mafia, trying at the same time to resolve the problem of the uninhibited control of the movement for the detachment from Macedonia of about one-third of its territory. First shots have already been shot. At night on May 12 in Tetovo predominantly populated by Albanians (the centre of the Albanian riot of 7 years ago) the car of the DSI leader Ali Ahmeti was shot at. The leader of the DSI’s election campaign Izet Mezhiti immediately accused Menduh Taci and Macedonian special services, allegedly in conspiracy and of an attempt in order “to terrify the electorate to prevent them from voting.” The DSI leaders called for Macedonian Albanians to begin staging mass manifestations and other protest actions. In turn, Ferzhi Seliami, a representative of the DAP assessed such action as a call to Albanians to begin murdering one another, threatening with counter action.
Ali Ahmeti is a figure that is worth focusing on. His “battle tracks “ resemble biographies of the current Albanian leaders in Kosovo. Born in 1959 in Zaias, a small Macedonian village, as a student in Pristina in 1981-1983 he was an activist of extremist outbreaks of youth there, later becoming one of the leaders of the underground Albanian “people’s movement Kosovo. In 1986 Ahmeti was given the status of a political refugee in Switzerland, from where he controlled activities of different underground Albanian groups, at first in the united SFRYu, and then - of Serbia and Macedonia. In 1988 he became one of the members of the leadership of Kosovo’s Nationalist movement, and five years later he was re-elected for the post and was given control of the military sector of the movement.
In 1996 Ahmeti became one of the founders of the ALA, and in 1988, when Albanian extremists launched their terrorist activities in Kosovo, was elected a member of the ALA General Headquarters.
When his colleagues in the Kosovo leadership came to power, Ahmeti returned from Switzerland to Macedonia, becoming Commander-in-Chief of the NLA. That same year Washington declared the NLA a terrorist organisation and Ali Ahmeti was blacklisted to deny him an entry into the United States on grounds of their terrorist activities. He was also declared a non grata person in Switzerland and a number of other European countries. Nevertheless that did not prevent him from becoming one of the most active participants of the settlement of the Macedonian conflict with the support of the U.S. and EU.
In August of 2001 it was exactly him who signed the Ohrid peace agreement with Macedonian authorities, according to which the local Albanians were given significant privileges in the localities they lived, including the right of setting up their own police bodies and judicial system.
After that he became the leader of the All-Albanian Coordination Council that aimed to unite all Macedonia’s Albanian political parties under the wings of the NLA structures. The latter was formally disbanded under the pressure from the EU, however, it retained its organisation and even arms arsenals.
Menduh Taci who was born in Tetovo in 1965, and who also studied in Pristina does not feature as rich a political biography. However, the only fact that he is a cousin of Hasim Taci, the KLA ex-chieftain who is currently Kosovo’s prime-minister, himself the owner of extensive real estate in Pristina and a major financier of his party is enough to think his chances to lead Macedonia’s Albanian separatists no weaker than Ali Ahmeti’s. At the same time no other than the DPA earlier this year initiated a government’s crisis, temporarily withdrawing from the ruling coalition as a sign of protest against the refusal of authorities to acknowledge Kosovo’s independence, granting government’s preferences to the participants in the 2000-2001 anti-government mutiny. Macedonia noted that shortly before his demarche he had visited the US Ambassador in Skopje.
And we are now approaching the biggest event that spells a soon-to-be formation in Kosovo and Macedonia of a single Great Albanian front. On May 17 in Pristina, the movement named “Unification Movement” was formed at the hall of a local movie theatre that sets the goal of “unification of Albanian territories.” No other than the notorious Avni Klinaku headed the organisation that is to become pivotal in the fight for the creation in the Balkans of “Great Albania”. No other than him created “National Kosovo Liberation Movement” about two decades ago, that later turned into the terrorist “Kosovo Liberation Army.” And in 1986 no other than Ali Ahmeti was elected a member of the General Council of this movement, whose special assignment was to ensure international political, financial and military support of Albanian separatists.
Currently Avni Klinaku, Ali Ahmeti, Menduh Taci and their long-years Albanian cronies decided that the favourable moment for a reprise of the Kosovo scenario at the pan-Balkanian level is close at hand. Given the official number of Albanians residents amounting to one-fourth to a half of Macedonia’s two million residents (according to assessments of Albanians themselves as well as a number of international organisations), a new conflict could flood both this former Yugoslav republic and all of the Balkans in blood. Are the United States, NATO and EU, granting Kosovo independence so happily, deciding that they succeeded in turning over a new leaf in the Balkan drama, prepared for this?
