Macedonia and "Macedonia". Μερικες αλήθειες για τους ερευνητές

Ένα κείμενο για όσους έχουν γνωσεις του "μακεδονικού" κι όχι για τον καθένα.

MAK-NEWS #346.1
Date: Mon, 24 May 1993 01:17:49 +1000

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MACEDONIAN TRIBUNE - April 8, 1993

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GREECE AND MACEDONIA COMPROMISE, BUT OBSTACLES TO RECOGNITION REMAIN

By Lou Panov

Controversy over the name of the Republic of Macedonia has spread to the...

Macedonian people in the republic and abroad. Until recently, it was simply a
matter of Greece not accepting the name, and Macedonians insisting on it. But
some Macedonians are threatening mass demonstrations if there is a name
compromise, and Macedonian nationalist politicians are bandying about the
possibility of civil war. Leaders of the opposition IMRO-DPMNE party in the
Macedonian parliament have been critical of any move by Macedonian President
Kiro Gligorov to accept a name change, even temporarily.

Until recently, Macedonians seemed united on the issues of name and
international recognition. But a proposal by Britain, France and Spain that the
UN accept the membership application of the republic under a "temporary
description" - Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia - has struck a
Macedonian nerve.

Last year, when Greece first blocked the international diplomatic recognition
of the republic, Macedonians were ready to discuss alternate names: North
Macedonia, Slav Macedonia, etc. But Greece held fast, saying that no name
including the word "Macedonia" was acceptable.

Greece has painted itself into a corner on the issue. Its increasingly
impatient European Community partners want a change. The government of Greek
Prime Minister Constantine Mitsotakis has wavered, saying that it will accept
the proposed "temporary description" and agree to a final name through UN
mediation.

But now Macedonian tempers are riled. After such treatment by Greece for so
long, Macedonians wonder, why should we give in to them at all? Our name is
ours, and what we call ourselves is not open to discussion.

Kiro Gligorov has been accused of conspiring to keep the name "Yugoslav," so
that Macedonia can be forced into a new Yugoslavia.

That charge seems ridiculous. And Macedonian diplomacy may win out in the long
run. The Western proposal in the UN was originally for a "temporary name." The
Macedonians got that language changed to "temporary description." The Greeks
liked the original proposal for binding international "arbitration" on the name
issue. But Macedonia refused arbitration, and won a change to international
"mediation." That means Macedonia will be on an equal footing with Greece in
discussions on its name, and can say no to any proposal.

Meanwhile, Greek demands softened dramatically.

"The change of our policy is that we no longer have an absolute commitment for
the word Macedonia (to be dropped)," said Mitsotakis on March 30, after
defeating a Socialist bid to topple his administration. His government defeated
a censure motion brought about by its decision to compromise on the name of
Macedonia and to stick to its economic austerity plan.

Mitsotakis said Greece would have found itself "isolated in a corner of the
Balkans" if it did not compromise, and could have been destabilized and led
into war.

Former primer minister George Rallis, a leading conservative deputy in the
Greek parliament, attacked the Mitsotakis foreign policy and resigned from
parliament. "The line we followed has already caused us national damage," he
said, "and I fear there is worse to come."

The net effect: Greece has backed down from its demand that the name
"Macedonia" not be used, and has backed down from its insistence that the
Republic of Macedonia submit to binding arbitration on the name issue. Now,
Greece will accept mediation.

Mitsotakis had to move to end the controversy, which has had Greece in an
anti-Macedonian tizzy for a year and a half. Greeks must turn their attention
to their battered economy, the weakest in the European Community.

Also on March 30, the Macedonian president addressed his nation on the name
issue. He said the country had to accept the UN "temporary description" plan.
In his address, broadcast live on Macedonian television and radio, Gligorov
said the republic was forced to make the concession in order to gain UN
membership.

"The temporary description, 'the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia,' will
only be used internally by the UN for two months, until Macedonia and Greece
settle their dispute," he said. The description, according to Gligorov, only
signified that Macedonia was once a former unit within the Yugoslav federation.

"We have to be realistic," he said. "But our national interests will not be
sacrificed as a result of accepting the plan." He claimed that no one could
further postpone or delay Macedonia's entry into the UN.

In an official press release, the Macedonian government said, "The government
cannot accept the term 'former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia' as the name of
our state." The government said that the word "Yugoslav" could never be
included in the republic's name, and claimed that there is a difference between
"temporary name" and "temporary description." It said that the use of the
temporary description does not have implications for the final name of the
Republic of Macedonia.

Though Macedonian and Greek compromises seem to open the way for UN acceptance
of Macedonia, there are still barriers.

UN Security Council President Terence O'Bryan said on March 30, as reported by
Macedonian radio, that "although the Council is close to the solution, we are
not close enough to start the official procedure."

What is causing the delay? O'Bryan said that he had not received approval from
Greece for the "temporary description" plan, because Greece objected to
Macedonia's national flag.

Greek government spokesman Vasilis Manginas said that Greece will formally
respond to the latest UN proposal only if the Macedonian flag is not raised at
the New York UN headquarters.

Though Greece has backed down from its policy on the name of Macedonia, it is
now using the issue of the Macedonian flag to stall Macedonian entrance into
the family of modern nations. The Greek government has whipped up
anti-Macedonian hysteria among its citizens, and will have to deal with a sharp
reaction, a real political crisis, when Macedonia is finally accepted by the UN
and recognized internationally.

Still, there is rapid movement in New York, and the Macedonian press has quoted
government sources that the UN has asked for a Macedonian flag. The sources
also say that the international organization has sent instructions about the
ceremony of acceptance of new members into the UN. They claim the UN has
requested a biography of Kiro Gligorov, and that Slovenia lobbied for Macedonia
in the world body.

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EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT RECOMMENDS MACEDONIAN RECOGNITION

The European Parliament on March 12 called on the European Community to
recognize the Republic of Macedonia, Agence France Presse reports. The vote was
136 for recognition, one against, 12 abstentions.

The vote was taken to approve an amendment to a human rights document.

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THE THORNY PATH TO MACEDONIAN INDEPENDENCE

An interview with Macedonian opposition leader Ljupco Georgievski,
president of IMRO-DPMNE, by Joze Horvat, in the Ljubljana newspaper
Slovenec, on February 6


Ljupco Georgievski visited Ljubljana and participated in a session of the
European Democratic Union (EDU). His party submitted an application for
acceptance into that international organization.

Horvat:
We receive little information about Macedonia in Slovenia. We mostly
hear about the Greek demands that Macedonia change its name if it wants to be
recognized. What is the political situation in Macedonia like now?

Georgievski:
I would briefly describe it with the following sentence: Macedonia is
completely isolated internationally, and not just politically, but also (and
this is even more important) economically; with respect to internal security,
for two and a half years now it has been expecting the possible beginning of a
war or aggression by its former great friends, and the economy is in a
catastrophic state. That describes the everyday life of Macedonians today, and
you can imagine that it is more and more unbearable.

Horvat:
We recently heard that the Serbs in Kuceviste declared some sort of
Serbian Krajina that was supposed to be "independent" after the model of the
Bosnian Krajina. What really happened?

Georgievski:
Look, there are about 40,000 Serbs in Macedonia, who are not all
native, but instead moved into the republic either because of economic activity
or as JLA (Yugoslav People's Army) military personnel. Now they want to be a
factor in politics. On two or three occasions we have already witnessed the
Serbs' demands that Macedonia grant them an autonomous Serbian province like
the "Krajina SAO (Serbian Autonomous Region)" in Bosnia-Hercegovina. That would
open up one more area for spreading the crisis in the Balkans and for the
possibility of a new Serbian aggression, specifically with the well-known
pretext that it is necessary "to save Serbian brothers" in Macedonia. I can say
that fortunately, none of the provocations that have occurred has succeeded,
simply because the majority does not support them. Perhaps it is because they
are aware where this would lead, since they see how the war that they started
elsewhere is going.

Horvat:
How much truth is there in the news that Macedonia, in spite of the
embargo, is permitting the transportation of Serbian goods and oil from Greece
through its own territory into Serbia?

Georgievski:
I cannot say exactly. It is true that after the Security Council's
first resolution, Macedonia was still supplying the Serbian aggressors' army,
and allowing Serbia to transport oil from Greece. As a party, we have protested
several times against the policy of the current Macedonian authorities. I can
say that at the border crossings I have seen dozens of Serbian tank trucks
coming from Greece into Macedonia, but the Macedonian authorities did not take
measures. And that is not all; a few months ago the Skopie refinery was still
working for Serbian industry.

Horvat:
Macedonia already has its own army now, too. Is it capable of opposing
aggression from outside and destabilization coming from its own territory?

Georgievski:
When we speak about this issue, I would like to say that there is
almost no country that could not defend itself. The proof of this is also
Slovenia, which showed that it was possible to make a stand against the Serbian
- at that time still Yugoslav - attack. It is just a matter of
organizing the defense and of people's will or desire to fight.
In this respect, I must say that Macedonia has some industrial
facilities that could be redirected toward the defense industry if necessary.
The most important thing is organizing the defense, and also Macedonian's will
to defend themselves if the republic is attacked.
The JLA took everything that could be called military equipment out of
Macedonia, so among all the former Yugoslav republics, it has been left the
least weapons from the former joint army.
Let me emphasize that, in spite of this, Macedonia can meet one of the
main conditions for becoming a state, i.e., the ability to defend itself.

Horvat:
That means that you are counting in particular on morale and political
factors in organizing the defense, i.e., on the national awareness of
Macedonians. What is that awareness like, in your opinion?

Georgievski:
I can say that with respect to defense the main factor is national
awareness, which is becoming stronger and stronger in our country. Just as in
all the Yugoslav republics, however, we have had problems with "Yugoslavism."
That problem delayed the emergence and creation of the Macedonian state by more
than a year. I can add that it is still appearing in Macedonia in some state
structures.
These are people who were in power for a long time and are perhaps
still dreaming about returning to some sort of Yugoslavia. I am convinced,
however, that most of the Macedonian population has realized that Yugoslavia no
longer exists and that we have to organize ourselves solely as Macedonia and as
Macedonians.

Horvat:
How is that awareness reflected in the political parties?

Georgievski:
In the elections that were held in November 1990, there were about 17
party programs in which the authors claimed that it was necessary to save
Yugoslavia, and said that this was the only alternative for Macedonia.
In those first free elections, the only party that supported an
independent Macedonian state was our party, the IMRO-DPMNE. We thus accumulated
a lot of difficulties for ourselves.
Our party was the only one to declare the JLA an occupying army -
all the other parties said that the JLA was ours and that it should be
defended. You can imagine what our first elections were like.
If some sort of basic agreement existed in Slovenia in the beginning,
at least with respect to a confederation of independent states, such an
agreement was formed very slowly in Macedonia. Today there is a better
atmosphere for such views - at least on a verbal level, since at this time
almost all the parties, except for a certain Movement for Yugoslavia, which has
virtually no influence at all, are talking about the creation of an independent
Macedonian state. In many cases such statements are suspicious, since the
parties, especially the left-wing ones and the ones with the above-mentioned
Yugoslav program, are behaving very hypocritically toward that independence.

Horvat:
How has Macedonian culture acted toward all this? In fact, for many
years it was the basis for building and developing Macedonian national
awareness, especially if I think of some big events that were based on
Macedonianism, the language, and cultural tradition, like the poetry festival
in Struga, for example.

Georgievski:
As a party, we are somewhat disappointed with the Macedonian
intelligentsia's attitude toward these matters, especially with respect to
writers and cultural workers. We are disappointed because for a long time they
were advocates of Yugoslavism and the generators of Yugoslav processes in
Macedonia. I can tell you that many well- known names in Macedonian literature,
science, etc., supported the idea of Yugoslavism for a long time, and it was
only after the Yugoslav Army did what it did that they decided differently.

Horvat:
Where are creative people like Slavko Janevski, Ante Popovski, Mateja
Matevski, Metodije Fotov, Eftim Kletnikov, for example, and other well-known
authors, and how did they choose?

Georgievski:
(Laughter). It is hard to say now of some people who were synonymous
with Macedonian literature for many years that they are fighting for an
independent Macedonian state.

Horvat:
What are their arguments for it?

Georgievski:
The problem is that they do not have arguments, because at this time a
normal person cannot have arguments in favor of Yugoslavia. Perhaps they had
too many privileges in the previous Yugoslav system, since otherwise they would
hardly stand up for Yugoslavia now. Although I have to emphasize that many
cultural workers did choose the Macedonian national policy, there are still not
enough of them.

Horvat:
What kind of support does your party have for its ideas in the public
media? In your opinion, does a "plurality of public media" exist in Macedonia?

Georgievski:
Macedonia is the only republic in the former Yugoslavia in which the
public news media are completely controlled by the former party authorities.
There are more independent media in Serbia than in Macedonia, and there are
also opposition party publications there - there is none of all that here.
We do not have anything that could be called opposition.
Actually, all the media are under the direct control of President
Gligorov and the ruling Communist Party. To illustrate, I can tell you that the
central TV daily news program usually starts with the phrase, "Thanks to the
wise policy of our President Kiro Gligorov, today we were able to do this and
that...." We listen to that stereotype every day, but actually Macedonia is
experiencing defeat after defeat.

Horvat:
Doesn't your party have any ability to influence the emergence of media
plurality, or at least a pluralist structure in specific editorial boards?

Georgievski:
As a parliamentary opposition, so far we have raised that question four
or five times; it was actually one of our first demands after entering the
multiparty parliament. All our initiatives were blocked, however. At the next
meeting of the Assembly, this item will be on the agenda, and I hope that the
discussion that will follow will bring a favorable outcome. if nothing else, at
least opening up a possibility for establishing independent media.
To be sure, we also do not have a law that would guide public media.
That means that there is chaos in which only state enterprises for informing
the public can exist, as it was in the old system.

Horvat:
A large Albanian minority lives in Macedonia. What is its attitude
toward the Macedonian national idea, and the Macedonian independent state?

Georgievski:
I could illustrate the position of Albanians here with an example that
you probably know: Albanians constitute a third of the present Macedonian
government. Those Albanians are also "reformed" communists, which means that
they have not yet gotten rid of their communist prejudices. That is why we are
justified in saying that a one-party communist system is in power in Macedonia.
To be sure, in recent months we have encountered an unclear position on the
part of the Albanian parties in Macedonia, i.e., a policy that completely
coincides with the Serbian policy toward Macedonia.
In connection with that, we are therefore talking quite openly about an
Albanian-Serbian coalition. In this regard, of course, we are disassociating
ourselves form the problem of Kosovo and Albania, but when we are talking about
Macedonia, things are clear.
Since the extremist Albanians are talking about a partition of
Macedonia, the creation of a federation, the annexation of the Albanian parts
of Macedonia to a Greater Albania, etc. That means that there is a clear
scenario that coincides, for instance, with Seselj's saying that the Serbs and
Albanians should partition Macedonia. All of this indicates that we have to
deal with an unprincipled policy, which, after the nonrecognition of Macedonia
as an independent state, is leading to great uncertainty.

Horvat:
The international community will nevertheless recognize Macedonia,
however. There is no more doubt about it; the only question is when it will
happen. Will recognition supposedly come from the United Nations?

Georgievski:
We would be happy if it came from the United Nations. They could have
already recognized us a year and a half ago under this name, however. The only
question that arises is why we waited so long and what kind of policy it was
that did it.
The most pathetic thing is that there is another big problem; President
Gligorov has obviously assumed too much authority for himself, and for the
second time now he has surprised all the Macedonian parties and citizens, since
he agreed two months ago that the EC ministers would discuss Macedonia under
the name "Macedonia-Skopje," and now he has proposed to the UN that Macedonia
could be accepted among its members under the name "Former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia."

Horvat:
What does that name mean, in your opinion?

Georgievski:
First of all, a policy of dictatorial behavior, since the president
thinks that he can change the republic's name himself. On the other hand, this
name says that President Gligorov has not yet given up the name of Yugoslavia
and the policy that he conducted up until a few months ago, and is tied to the
possibility that Macedonia could again join a federation of some new Yugoslav
state.

Horvat:
How do you personally perceive the pressure upon Macedonia to change
its name?

Georgievski:
That it is supposed to change its name - that is something that has
never happened before in the history of international diplomacy. It is a
paradox, and an even bigger one because the demand is coming from some members
of the EC which kept proclaiming the right to self-determination, human rights,
minority rights, etc.

Horvat:
How would you explain to us Greece's hostile attitude toward Macedonia,
which is manifested in the demand that Macedonia change its name?

Georgievski:
Look, the Greeks have invented thousands of reasons for their action in
connection with Macedonia. As the main one, they are citing Macedonia's name,
saying that it is Greece's historical name - something that can be refuted
by the very fact that until 1989 the administrative term Macedonia did not even
exist in Greece.
It is only for the last four years that there has been a ministry for
Macedonia and Thrace. There is a great fear in Greece of presumed territorial
claims by Macedonia at Greece's expense. If we compare the size of Macedonia
and Greece, however, and especially their military potentials, then we can only
laugh at such fears, since Macedonia obviously cannot go to war with Greece,
nor does it want to.
To be sure, the main reason is very clear. That is the Macedonian
minority in Greece, a minority that has not had any rights whatsoever for 70
years now, and the Greeks claim that it does not even exist. They are afraid
that with the establishment of an independent Macedonian state it would be
easier to internationalize the issue of the Macedonian minority, and that it
would be seen that Greece, which talks so much about democracy, has already
been violating basic human rights for decades.

Horvat:
What is your party's power like for starting to influence events in the
republic more decisively in the future? Is your party the largest in the
Assembly?

Georgievski:
Formally, yes. We have 31% in the Assembly, and otherwise for two years
now we have been conducting a policy of pressure upon the authorities, and we
think that this policy has yielded some results. You can believe me that
Macedonia, if the IMRO-DPMNE had not appeared in it, would now be politically
similar to Montenegro.
We are thus putting pressure on the authorities, arranging rallies, and
persuading people at public forums and through the Assembly. That policy,
however, has already been exhausting both us and the people for some time, and
consequently we in the party think that we finally have to arrive at better
solutions.
We are therefore advocating the scheduling of new, early elections, and
the formation of new authorities. The elections could be in June.
Unfortunately, the economic situation is helping us in this - I say
unfortunately, because we do not want a deterioration, but what can we do? The
communists obviously do not have any new ideas and have not offered the people
a single law that would at least somewhat neutralize the tensions in the
Macedonian state.

Horvat:
How are you cooperating with the Slovene parties and with Slovenia?

Georgievski:
We have come to Slovenia several times, and you probably know that we
have our own political representative here. It is Dr. Krste Pop-Stefanija, who
is doing everything he can here for good relations between the local parties
and the Slovene state and our party.
As a party, we are open to all the political parties in Slovenia. We
would certainly have good relations with the official authorities in your
country; otherwise, we are politically close to the center right in European
democracy, and the reason for our arrival in Ljubljana was the EDU session last
Saturday. We were unofficial guests, and we submitted our application for our
party to join the EDU. We have already had talks with the Slovene Christian
Democrats in connection with this.

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UN COMMANDER WANTS MORE TROOPS IN MACEDONIA

Reported from Skopie by international press agencies, March 23.

General Finn Saermark Thomsek has said that if the fighting in Croatia and
Bosnia spill over into Macedonia, his 700 peacekeeping troops could do nothing
but watch.

The best way to keep the war out of Macedonia, he said, would be for a UN force
to control its borders, particularly to the north with Serbia and to the west
with Albania.
Analysts fear that an extension of the war into Macedonia would draw in
its neighbors. It could include Turkiye, the emerging regional power and a
NATO member.

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GLIGOROV SAYS MILOSEVIC, MITSOTAKIS PLAN PARTITION OF MACEDONIA

Reported from Tirana, March 2, by ATA

In an interview with the Bulgarian newspaper Kontinent, Macedonian President
Kiro Gligorov stated that Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic and Greek Prime
Minister Constantine Mitsotakis have talked about the division of Macedonia.

According to reports, Milosevic and Mitsotakis have had meetings during
which they have spoken about an eventual division of Macedonia between their
two countries.

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COMMISSION ATTEMPTS TO IDENTIFY CRASH VICTIMS

Reported March 9 by Radio Belgrade

A commission has been formed in the Republic of Macedonia to identify the
deceased in the recent plane crash near Skopie Airport. They also have another
chore, trying to decide which large amounts of foreign currency, gold and
jewelry belonged to which unfortunate passenger.

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SIDEROPOULOS, BOULIS APPEAL CONVICTION

The trial of Hristos Sideropoulos and Tashko Boulis was quick. It took the
Greek court only a few hours to sentence both to five months in jail. The
Lerin-born Macedonians were charged with violating Greek law because they
wanted to speak their own language and follow their ethnic traditions. Amnesty
International has championed their cause.

They are out on bail until a decision on an appeal can be reached. The bail
cost either 300,000 or 500,000 drachmas; the report was unclear.

The MPO sent $1,000 to help defray trial expenses incurred by the human rights
activists. An additional $5,000 was collected for them in several fund raisers
by the United Macedonians in Toronto.

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LEBAMOFF ANSWERS QUESTIONS OF THE NATIONAL PUBLIC RADIO

The following interview with MPO President Ivan A. Lebamoff was carried
February 10 on National Public Radio (WBEZ) over WBEZ, Chicago. Saundra Gare
was the interviewer

WBEZ:
On October 30, two Yugoslav Macedonians were tried in criminal court in
Athens, Greece, for being Macedonians and letting others in Greece know that
they were. [MT Editor's Note: They are not Yugoslav Macedonians, but natives of
Aegean Macedonia, citizens of Greece, who have a Macedonian ethnic identity.]
With us now is Ivan Lebamoff, who is President of the Central Committee of the
Macedonian Patriotic Organization. He had told me, just before, that the former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia was a compromise name that was rejected just
about a week ago, so we'll be talking about that. That is basically the
problem, I think, aside from the things they don't talk about, and that is the
economy, etc.
Mr. Lebamoff, thank you very much for joining us.

Lebamoff:
Thank you for having me.

WBEZ:
For some time, one of the biggest United Nations problems faced, before
everything else in Somalia and in the Middle East began and Iraq began blasting
off, was the Macedonian problem, and it never seems to go away.
The Greek Macedonians or the Slavic Macedonians and so far nothing has
been resolved. Tell us, first of all, about the fact that the former Yugoslav
republic of Macedonia you say was one of the compromised names. And it was
rejected by whom?

Lebamoff:
Both by the administration and by parliament.

WBEZ:
The Greek Macedonians have said, change your name and there won't be
any trouble. We are Macedonians, so you can't call yourself Macedonian. This
was not satisfying them.

Lebamoff:
It was not satisfying them.

WBEZ:
It's an awfully long name.

Lebamoff:
It is a long name, and since early modern history, the Slavs settled
the greater part of Macedonia, and Macedonia was a Slav settlement. It was
under Turkish rule for 500 years. The people who lived in the geographic area
of Macedonia were recognized and called Macedonians.
As a matter of fact, at the turn of the century, William Gladstone
said, "Give Macedonia to the Macedonians," and we do have a Republic of
Macedonia.
They want to be recognized and deserve to be recognized. They met all
the criteria of the Badinter Commission, and under international law and
custom, and under the charters of the UN, they have a right to call themselves
Macedonians and to take what name they wish.

WBEZ:
But you know, about six months ago, I spent a week in Greek Macedonia
and Saloniki, and I went all the way up to the border of Albania and talked to
a lot of people in rural areas as well as urban areas, and the Macedonians that
I met up (they were not set up) at random, certainly some were government
people.
All were passionately insistent that it was Greek Macedonia and that
the Slavs had no right to the name, that because of recent findings at Pella in
Greece, it was proof that the Macedonians were Greek. Philip the Second was
Greek, Alexander the First was Greek and the reason the Slavic Macedonians want
to be called Macedonia around the country is that they really want access to
the sea. That it is for trade and economics.

Lebamoff:
That is not true. I suggest that the Greek policy has its eyes on
Vardar Macedonia, and there have been many reports that the Serb government and
the Greek government have made an alliance to divide this independent Republic
of Macedonia. Keep in mind that Macedonia was an integrated entity until after
the First Balkan War, when by the Treaty of Bucharest in 1913 it was divided
- part to Greece, part to Serbia and part to Bulgaria - so there are
three entities which call themselves Macedonia: Aegean Macedonia which is part
of Greece, Vardar Macedonia which was part of Yugoslavia, and Pirin Macedonia
which is part of Bulgaria. There are many many people within Aegean Macedonia,
the Greek portion of Macedonia, who are Slavs and say that we are ethnic
Macedonians, even though we are citizens of the Greek state. And that throws
out the two people from Florina or Lerin who were charged by the Greeks for
inciting insurrection because they wanted to identify themselves as
Macedonians.

WBEZ:
Why won't your people use another name?

Lebamoff:
Why should they? They used the name Macedonia since they settled the
peninsula in the fifth century.

WBEZ:
But the UN and the EC are obviously not recognizing the Slavs as
Macedonia itself.

Lebamoff:
Well, they will, because they have historically in the past, and they
will presently and they will in the future. The EC, the UN, the US and Canada
will have no alternative but to recognize that under the UN Charter and under
international custom and practice, these people have the right to call
themselves the Republic of Macedonia.
From a practical standpoint, if they accepted the name "Former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia," all their letterhead and all the signage of their
embassies and consulates would just say "Republic of Macedonia."
Passions have been stirred, and the Greek government has so incited the
Greek passions that now they're caught in a dilemma and they don't know what to
do.

WBEZ:
Isn't it possible that with all the border that are either at war or on
the brink of war that the Slavic Macedonians could be pulled into the
situation?

Lebamoff:
Most certainly, and we don't want to see that and worse the Slavic
Macedonians.....

WBEZ:
Because you could pull Greece into the war and pull other nations on
the border into the war.

Lebamoff:
Not could. It would pull Bulgaria in. It would pull Turkey in. It would
pull Serbia in. This is just what Serbia wants, because Serbia has its eyes on
Vardar Macedonia as well as on Kosovo, and what we would see in that part of
the world is a bigger and more horrendous pogrom that is now going on in
Bosnia.

WBEZ:
Now how do you defend the accusations about Philip the Second and
Alexander the Great?

Lebamoff:
We don't have to defend them.

WBEZ:
When the Greek archaeologists unearth a lot of these artifacts in the
last 5-10 years, and tablets that they're now putting into museums and writing
up into history books, they say that they prove that Philip and Alexander were
Greek, and that Macedonia was part of Greece; the city of Pella was the center
of excavations itself and that's Greek. You say that it's Slavic.

Lebamoff:
You're talking about antiquity and in antiquity the area was still
known as Macedonia. Philip was the king of Macedonia. Greeks considered him a
barbarian, not a Greek, and would not allow the Macedonians of Philip's time to
play in the Olympic games.
The Greeks did not consider Philip and Alexander Greek. They were
Illyrians.
They have taken the culture of Philip and Alexander and molded it into
a Greek culture. We have no claim on that culture. I don't want to claim that
culture. I am not the same Macedonian that Philip and Alexander professed to be.
I am a Slav and the Slavs have been in that peninsula since the 5th and 6th
centuries. The Slavs formulated an alphabet for all the Slavs in the world in
Macedonia. The Christian religion came to Macedonia very, very early in the
millennium and, you see, the Greeks have taken old antiquity to which no one
attaches any claim and are trying to stir up passions.
Let Philip and Alexander be who they are. They were not Greek.

WBEZ:
Well, of course, I'm not going to argue with you. I saw many of the
artifacts and the tablets and things and, of course, all I can say is what I
saw. It indicated that it was Greek, but I am not knowledgeable to argue it out
with you, but I just want to ask: You're squeezed between Serbia and Greece,
both of which you depend on for trade. What happens? What will happen if this
situation remains unresolved?

Lebamoff:
If highways are built from Albania and through Macedonia to Bulgaria,
Greece will quickly learn that they have lost an ally in the Republic of
Macedonia and they will suffer economically more than the Republic of
Macedonia. It's people are suffering now.

WBEZ:
Why would that necessarily be, because none of the other EC nations is
anti-Greece as much as they are really not wanting to bother with the whole
issue of Yugoslav Macedonia. So why would Greece be affected more than
Yugoslavia?

Lebamoff:
I think that's the way the economy would develop in that area, and I
think that in the long run Greece has much more to lose economically. More than
it is willing to admit to at the present time. I submit that they realize it.
They are just unwilling to admit to it. That's why it's to their interest to
coalesce with Serbia to do away with Macedonia entirely. I submit that's in the
back of their minds and that is what they want to do and they have fogged the
whole issue with this Philip and Alexander syndrome, which has no applicability
to the 21st century.

WBEZ:
It's true that the area that you're talking about doesn't have access
to the sea unless it goes through Greece. Isn't that true?

Lebamoff:
Doesn't need access to the sea. Fort Wayne, Indiana, doesn't have
access to the sea.

WBEZ:
We're talking about trade, though.

Lebamoff:
Trade is done by planes any more.

WBEZ:
Well, have your people been affected by the decline of the Yugoslav
economy in the war?

Lebamoff:
Sure they have, because they've been cut off by overland intercourse by
both Serbia and Greece.

WBEZ:
OK. Thank you.
============================================================================


SYLVESTER STERIOFF DIRECTS TRANSPLANTS AT MAYO CLINIC

Dr. Sylvester Sterioff's Macedonian roots are in Aegean Macedonia. Today he
lists his business address as Mayo Clinic, Rochester, Minnesota. What does he
do at Mayo?

He is Professor of Surgery and Director of the Division of Organ
Transplantation. In addition to kidney, pancreas and liver transplantation, he
is involved in other aspects of general surgery, instruction of residents and
medical students and administrative responsibilities.

In 1991, he went to Zagreb, Croatia, with AmeriCares, a US medical relief
organization, and has recently returned from the Kenya/Somalia border, where he
treated refugees and established surgical facilities at a remote hospital,
again for AmeriCares.

"It was some experience. We worked under extremely terrible conditions. I am so
thankful for the wonderful country we have," he says, hoping to return to
Somalia as a tourist some day.

He also has asked AmeriCares to allow him to travel to the Republic of
Macedonia to work, and he has asked them to provide medical supplies to that
needy country.

Dr. Sterioff's mother, Jesse Gitcho, was born in Madison, Illinois, of parents
who emigrated from Kostur. His father emigrated from Lerin by himself in 1917,
at the age of 16, to join other family members already settled in St. Louis,
across the Mississippi River from Madison.

Dr. Sterioff's grandfather, Sotir, settled in St. Louis in 1908 along with his
brothers James, Peter and Christ, and the family used the name Anastasoff for
the most part. The three elder Anastasoff brothers founded the Purity Candy
Company, while the younger brother, Dr. Christ Anastasoff, was known as a
teacher and author. In particular, he is remembered for his book, The Tragic
Peninsula. He is widely read in Macedonian circles as the writer of many other
books, pamphlets and articles, including articles for Balkania as an officer of
the MPO. [ex-vice president of the Central Committee - L.]

Dr. Sterioff's father's name, Strebran, was changed to Sylvester when he
enrolled in St. Louis University Dental School. He had a sister, Aunt
Stephanie; and two brothers, Uncles Louis and Vlado. At one time, the three
brothers all had different last names -- Sterioff, Sotiroff and Anastasoff.

The Gitcho family name is well known around Granite City-Madison since they own
businesses including Busy Bee Bakery (famous for its nut rolls), Gitcho Gas and
Corral Liquors. Mrs. Sterioff, of the Gitcho family, is now retired and lives
in Palo Alto, California. Sylvester's sister Eileen, a physical therapist,
lives in San Francisco.

Sylvester Jr. was born and reared in St. Louis. He was graduated from Harvard
College, which he attended on an academic scholarship, and from the Washington
University Medical School at St. Louis. He completed surgical residency at
University Hospitals of Cleveland.

"After two years in the United States Air Force as a major with the Medical
Corps, I returned to Baltimore to become involved in transplantation surgery,"
he explains. "I was on the staff of Baltimore City Hospitals and Johns Hopkins
Hospital from 1970 through 1976, taking one year of special study at the London
Hospital in England to study immunology."

He has three children: Andrew, a graduate of Washington University; Gabrielle,
a graduate of Vanderbilt University; and Alexander, a junior at Whittier
College. He and his wife Yvonne enjoy traveling, gardening, movies, reading and
cooking.

Dr. Sterioff's professional appointments include Chairman, Medical Advisory
Board, Kidney Foundation of the Upper Midwest; President of the Kidney
Foundation of the Upper Midwest; National Kidney Foundation, Medical Advisory
Board; Abstracts Editorial Board, Transplantation Proceedings; Liaison
Committee, American Society of Transplant Surgeons/United Network for Organ
Sharing; Renal Network Coordinating Council of the Upper Midwest Organ
procurement Organization; The Partnership for Organ Donations, Inc., United
Network for Organ Sharing; and the Minnesota Board of Medical Examiners Task
Force on HIV Positive Physicians. He also has published more than 100 articles
in medical literature and several book chapters.

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THE MACEDONIAN TRIBUNE, 124 West Wayne, Fort Wayne, Indiana 46802, U.S.A.
- MAKEDONSKA TRIBUNA - telephone: (219) 422-5900 ; telefax: (219) 422-4379
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